Modi lands in Tashkent for talks with Mirziyoyev before the SCO summit in Bishkek
The prime minister began a four-day Central Asia tour on 29 August. Delegation talks in Tashkent cover trade, defence and digital links. He flies to Bishkek for the 26th SCO summit and a scheduled meeting with Vladimir Putin.

Tashkent3 min read
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Tashkent on Saturday for a state visit that opens a four-day tour of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev met him at Tashkent-Humo International Airport. The two men later laid a wreath at the Independence Monument in Yangi O'zbekiston Park and travelled together from the tarmac.
This is Modi's fourth visit to Uzbekistan. The Ministry of External Affairs billed 29 and 30 August as a bilateral stop and 31 August to 1 September as the 26th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek, which marks 25 years of the grouping. India has been a full member since 2017.
In his departure statement from New Delhi, Modi said he wanted to take the India-Uzbekistan Strategic Partnership further in trade and investment, digital connectivity, defence and energy, and to compare notes on Viksit Bharat and Yangi Uzbekistan. He said he would visit the Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial and the Mahatma Gandhi Centre at the Tashkent State University of Oriental Studies.
What the Tashkent talks are for
Delegation-level meetings are meant to set work for the next stretch of the partnership rather than produce a single headline treaty. Officials on both sides have listed education and people-to-people links beside the harder files. Uzbekistan sits on transit routes that matter to India as it looks for paths to Central Asia that do not run through Pakistan.
Defence and digital connectivity have grown faster than the public record often shows. Joint exercises and equipment talks sit next to fintech and public-digital-infrastructure conversations. Energy is the quieter file. Uzbekistan has gas. India has a long demand curve. Neither side has published a new supply figure tied to this visit.
Modi framed the trip as a civilisational as well as a strategic call. The Shastri memorial is a specific Indian site in Tashkent. The Gandhi centre is a teaching outpost. Those stops are for the cameras and for the university, and they also fill a schedule that would otherwise be only closed-door talks.
Bishkek, the SCO and Putin
From Tashkent, Modi flies to Bishkek at the invitation of President Sadyr Zhaparov. He will address the summit on India's three stated priorities: security, connectivity and opportunity. The same statement named terrorism, separatism and extremism as the threats India wants the forum to treat as shared work.
ANI reported that Modi is due to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin on 31 August. The Week noted that this would be their first meeting since the Middle East war began earlier this year and pushed oil markets around. Chinese President Xi Jinping is also expected in Bishkek. The room will therefore hold the three capitals that matter most to the SCO's weight, plus the Central Asian hosts.
The agenda is crowded because the organisation now includes India and Pakistan as full members and Iran as a later entrant. That mix makes consensus slow. It also makes bilateral pull-asides the real business. A Modi-Putin conversation on energy, defence lines and the wider war calendar will be watched more closely than the communique.
Modi will also attend the opening of the 6th World Nomad Games in Kyrgyzstan. The MEA called the games a celebration of Central Asian living heritage. The event gives the visit a public set-piece after the closed sessions.
Why the dates matter at home
The tour runs through 1 September. Sunday 30 August is also the day of Modi's monthly radio address, Mann Ki Baat, which Indian outlets said would be delivered while he is in Tashkent. The coincidence puts a domestic broadcast on a foreign runway.
India's stated line for the SCO has been consistent for several summits: treat terrorism as a core subject, keep connectivity projects from becoming exclusive blocs, and keep a channel to Moscow that does not require Washington's approval. The Hormuz disruption and the six-month-old Iran war have made that channel more expensive and more necessary at the same time.
Whether Tashkent produces signed papers or only a work plan will be clear by Sunday night. The harder test is Monday in Bishkek, when Modi, Putin and Xi are in the same city and the communique has to find language that all three can take home.