Celtic first ministers sign Cardiff pact on self-determination
Swinney, ap Iorwerth and O'Neill, with Mary Lou McDonald, declared Westminster's time is ending. They want referendums on different clocks. The DUP deputy first minister says O'Neill had no mandate to sign as first minister.

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John Swinney, Rhun ap Iorwerth and Michelle O'Neill signed a memorandum of understanding in Cardiff on Monday morning. Mary Lou McDonald, president of Sinn Fein and leader of the opposition in the Irish Dail, signed with them. The four leaders said Westminster's time is coming to an end and that no British government has the right to block a vote on their nations' futures.
The meeting was the first face-to-face gathering of the three sister parties since Plaid Cymru won the Senedd election in May. For the first time since devolution began in 1999, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland all have first ministers who want to leave the United Kingdom. They met as party leaders, not as heads of government. Emma Little-Pengelly, the Democratic Unionist deputy first minister in Belfast, said O'Neill had not sought agreement or permission to travel or to sign anything in her official capacity.
The text is blunt. "For the first time ever, people across these islands have First Ministers in Scotland, in Wales and in the North of Ireland who are all committed to independence from the United Kingdom." It adds that election results show "there could be no clearer sign that Westminster's time is coming to an end." The parties call on the British government to "prepare for, plan and facilitate constitutional change in each jurisdiction."
They do not share a single timetable. Swinney wants a second Scottish referendum in this Holyrood term, inside five years. McDonald said she expects an Irish reunification poll by 2030. Ap Iorwerth has ruled out pushing for a Welsh referendum now. The memorandum records that difference: each nation will decide "in its own way and in its own time."
Swinney used the press conference to call Andy Burnham the "last prime minister" of the United Kingdom. Burnham took office after Keir Starmer. Scottish independence support has sat between 45 and 50 percent since the 2014 referendum. Welsh and Northern Irish numbers have moved up more recently, though from a lower base. Those figures matter more than the rhetoric. A memorandum cannot force a poll. The Scotland Act still puts a reserved-matter lock on the franchise. The Good Friday Agreement puts a border poll in the hands of the Northern Ireland secretary, who must judge that a majority looks likely.
The practical agenda sat beside the constitutional language. The four parties listed jobs, energy and a return to the European Union as fields for joint work. Plaid's briefing before the meeting stressed "practical political co-operation" on those files. Ap Iorwerth held a further session with Swinney in the afternoon on a separate collaboration paper.
The timing is not accidental. Donald Trump, visiting Ireland over the weekend, said he would like to see the island "reunified." British and Irish politicians spent Sunday arguing about that line. The Cardiff text does not mention Trump. It does sit on top of a week in which Irish unity moved from a long-range Sinn Fein demand to a sentence spoken by a sitting American president.
Unionist reaction in Belfast was immediate. Little-Pengelly's point was procedural and political: a first minister in a mandatory coalition cannot treat an independence pact as government policy. The Democratic Unionist Party will use that distinction in every later argument about the memorandum's weight.
What the document actually changes is coordination. Three governing parties that want different end-states have now put a written claim on the right to vote, on EU membership as a shared destination, and on energy and industrial policy as the work they can do before any ballot. Westminster can ignore the text. It cannot ignore the fact that the three devolved executives are now led by people who signed it.
The next test is mechanical. Does the group produce a joint energy paper, a joint position on the next UK spending review, or a joint letter to the Northern Ireland secretary on the legal test for a border poll? If those papers appear, the Cardiff meeting was a start. If they do not, it was a photograph.